Fiji Media Council-Debate On National Charter.

Video of event posted below.








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A Difference In Ideals-A Discussion on Fiji's Democracy.

Ousted Fiji Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase's opinion article on the proposed National Charter compiled by the National Council To Build a Better Fiji was published in the Fiji Times Tuesday April 8th 2008 issue. The excerpt:

The way forward for Qarase

LAISENIA QARASE
Tuesday, April 08, 2008



Laisenia Qarase believes the interim Government has conveniently forgotten that Fiji has a genuine and legal Peoples Charter

Agreat deal of money, effort and resources are being poured into the work of the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF) and drafting of the proposed People's Charter.

At a time when the country is in the middle of a constitutional, political and economic crisis, which is causing great suffering among the people, the interim Government is devoting most of its energy to the NCBBF and the charter.

Everything seems to be secondary while conditions in the country continue to deteriorate. Never mind that the NCBBF and the charter concept are being rejected by large sections of the population and will, therefore, lack popular legitimacy, without wide public approval, the charter is doomed.

The interim Government has conveniently forgotten that Fiji has a genuine and legal People's Charter. It is called the Fiji Government's Strategic Development Plan (SDP) which covers the period from 2007 to 2011.

The plan is still in existence.

The charter proposed by the interim Government is, therefore, redundant and a huge waste of public funds. The NCBBF is duplicating work already carried out for the drafting and implementation of the SDP.

The SDP was the product of a democratically elected government.

It represents the combined vision and ideas of many people and organisations that took part in the extensive consultation and drafting which led to the preparation of the final document.

The process was a true and legitimate exercise in democracy built on a partnership between the community and Government.

The plan was endorsed at a national economic summit at the end of September 2006 and was given approval by Cabinet and Parliament.

It has special significance because it expresses the united views of the SDL Party and the Fiji Labour Party, through the multi-party government formed after the May 2006 election.

It draws extensively on the manifesto of both parties and consensus reached with the Labour party on issues of national importance for the achievement of a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Fiji.

The plan includes policies and goals covering the national spectrum, including national unity and identity, constitutional changes, social, cultural and economic reform and good governance.

Its scope is broad enough to include consideration of important issues such as changes to the electoral system.

" In trying to reinvent the wheel, the interim Government is ignoring what already exists and is creating further division in an already polarised community."

A key governance aim is to improve Fiji's ranking in Transparency International's corruption index perception index. We were focussed on moving Fiji upward from its 55th position among a survey that covered 159 countries.

A report by the Commonwealth business council has classified Fiji as one of the best five performers in 2005 for introducing measures to reduce and eliminate corruption.
The assessment was based on a survey of 32 Commonwealth countries.

Fiji was rated number 4 for the level with New Zealand for having balanced and effective business regulation.

Fiji also did well in ratings for government-business relations, free media, effective government, efficient administration and future outlook.

The SDP would have accelerated Fiji's progress in the crucial areas of national life administration. The emergence after the election of 2006 of co-operative multi-ethnic government and the public goodwill it generated, positioned Fiji for an epoch of positive change.

This would have consolidated and built on the considerable progress we had made in rebuilding Fiji after the crisis of 2000. We started the restoration of damaged relationships and achieved significant economic growth.

The workforce was expanding and wages were increasing.

The SDP, as the joint initiative of the SDL and the Fiji Labour Party in Cabinet is the vehicle to help take us further along the road of development and growth which would narrow the social and economic gaps between our communities.

The SDP stresses that achieving peace and security is a long-term commitment that must be vigorously pursued through building understanding among leaders and communities at all levels. It emphasises the Government's responsibility of achieving prosperity for Fiji's poorest, most disadvantaged and vulnerable citizens.

The strategies in the plan for higher and sustainable economic growth will create additional jobs and increasing income urgently needed to help us lift more people out of poverty.

This growth will produce additional revenue for the Government which could be channelled into development and amenities and services such as roads, water, electricity and health centres.

The plan proposes measures to boost investment.

It recognises that without this, Fiji will not be able to provide enough employment for young people and those who are without work.

The plan includes Fiji's first integrated export strategy directed toward increasing foreign earnings which would sustain growth. It has proposals for lifting efficiency, enhancing ethical values and professional standards and cutting costs in the public service and public sector. This would have raised accountability and transparency at all levels and created a cost-effective investor-friendly and service oriented environment.

The SDP is underpinned by the compact chapter of the Constitution that lays out principles for the conduct of government. These principles rate, among other things to individual community and groups rights, equality, politics, free and fair elections, formation of governments, conflict resolution and affirmative action and social justice for all disadvantaged citizens or groups.

It calls for equitable sharing of political, economic and commercial power to ensure that all communities fully benefit from the nation's economic progress.

In trying to reinvent the wheel, the interim Government is ignoring what already exists and is creating further division in an already polarised community. The best way forward is for a process of political dialogue to take place between the main political parties and the interim Government.

The purpose of this would be to find common ground for the country to return to democracy and parliamentary rule. And there has to be solutions for some of the other problems which must be addressed if we are to secure peace, certainty and stability in this nation of ours and for our future generations.

A rebuttal of Qarase's opinion article was also published in the Fiji Times, Thurs. April 10th 2008 issue. The excerpt:

Charters for the people

LORINE TEVI, DESMOND WHITESIDE and JOLAME LEWANAVANUA
Thursday, April 10, 2008



At the centre of the debate ... the people of this country

The article by the former Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase titled "Fiji Already Has A People's Charter" argues there is no need for another "People's Charter" because his Government had already produced one. Qarase refers to the "Strategic Development Plan 2007-2011" as the so-called "Charter". There are a number of points raised in Qarase's article that we must challenge:

- [Qarase] says "a great deal of money is being poured into the work of the NCBBF and it is being wasted".

Mr Qarase has not given a comparative figure on how much it cost to produce his Governments' Strategic Plan. Was it cheaper? The budget of the NCBBF is $2.4 million which is about 0.16% of the interim Government's 2008 budget, an insignificant amount for a national undertaking. It is said that the General Election that Mr Qarase is demanding to have will cost about $35 million;

- We could spend this much on a general election and it will be a waste if the coup cycle does not end after that election. The NCBBF and the People's Charter wants to ensure there is no repeat of December 2006. It has the support of the RFMF for a new way of government under a People's Charter based on national consensus. What is the SDL alternative beyond the Elections?;

-Qarase's so called "Charter" was merely an outcome of the on-going development planning process of Government.

Fiji governments have produced similar documents every five years since independence. SDL produced one in 2000 and another one in 2006. It is nothing new. It is a document that tends to be narrowly economistic and rather "dry". So our PCCPP will be "wet". Very few people from outside government were involved in its consultation process. Qarase's Strategic Plan did not excite many to read it, it being yet another "development plan". For him to call it a "People's Charter" is a joke;

- Contrary to what Qarase says, the NCBBF is not trying to reinvent the wheel.

The State of the Nation and Economy Report, out of which the People's Charter will be drawn, is a very different process from the production of the Qarase Government's Strategic Plan document. The intensity, depth, quality and the participatory process and the sincerity and commitment of the people involve now is no comparison.

"his government's record was disastrous, with public debt cumulatively rising from $1.44 billion in 2000 to $2.9 billion in 2006. Within a period of six years, the Qarase government doubled public debt. Added to this, is his vote buying promise to pay public servants $300 million in 2007 and his $19 million agriculture assistance scam that helped the SDL win the 2001 Election. The Qarase government was taking Fiji towards bankruptcy, had it not been removed"

For example, the involvement of over two hundred participants representing all sections of the community in the nine Working Groups. Some members of the NCBBF and Working Groups had also been involved in the work on the SDL Government's Strategic Plan. That includes us, and we say that the Qarase Government SDP process was narrow in its consultation base and focus of diagnosis and recommendations. It does not remotely compare with the People's Charter process;

- The public consultation process of the NCBBF and PCCPP is broader, and more democratic than that of the Qarase Government.

Hardly anybody knew about the SDL Strategic Plan whereas the NCBBF's work is well publicised and aims to stimulate real discussion and debate so the people of Fiji can contribute to the SNE Report and the People's Charter formulation. It is very open and anybody can participate by attending consultative meetings, sending the Secretariat written submissions or posting their views on the website.

- The consultation on the SNE Report and the People's Charter involves people in communities at the grass roots level.

It is therefore a "People's Plan" not the "Strategic Plan" of government bureaucrats. Most politicians in the SDL would not have read it, leave alone ordinary people. So what good had the two Strategic Plans of Qarase done for the people of Fiji in the time they were in power?;

- Qarase tried to paint a rosy picture of his period in office (2000 2006).

In terms of public debt alone, his government's record was disastrous, with public debt cumulatively rising from $1.44 billion in 2000 to $2.9 billion in 2006. Within a period of six years, the Qarase government doubled public debt. Added to this, is his vote buying promise to pay public servants $300 million in 2007 and his $19 million agriculture assistance scam that helped the SDL win the 2001 Election. The Qarase government was taking Fiji towards bankruptcy, had it not been removed;

- It is also clear from this SDL Plan that there was no commitment at all to find real solutions to the expiring land leases problem that had got steadily worse under his leadership. These are only a few examples of the disastrous policies of the Qarase government. Many of these policies were ethnically divisive;

- In his article Qarase also claims the SDL Strategic Plan had drawn extensively from the Election manifesto of the SDL and FLP, but there is no evidence of this in the document.

He even claims that electoral reforms could have been embraced by his Strategic Plan and that "national unity and identity, constitutional changes, social cultural reforms and good governance" were in his plan. We have again carefully reviewed the document and have not read anything about these issues in the SDL Strategic Plan. It would appear that Qarase in desperation, is "plagiarising" the key elements of the PCCPP work and its contents now underway;

- Qarase's claim that the People's Charter is being "rejected" by large sections of our community has no substance.

Our outreach teams that have been visiting rural and urban settlements for the last six months have mainly reported receptiveness to the idea of a People's Charter. They say it is a different approach from politicians who visit only at Elections time and are never seen again for five years. It is different because people are being asked for their views. The consultative process of the NCBBF informs and empowers people to contribute to the determination of their own destiny. The People's Charter will capture the hopes and aspirations of all of Fiji's people;

- In his "opinion article" at the end Qarase calls for political dialogue to take place between the political parties as the way forward.

The days of politicians meeting and negotiating behind closed doors on the presumption they represent ordinary people's views and interests are now gone. That is what the SDL used to do in its "Talanoa Sessions" with the Fiji Labour Party and they never came to any agreement that could have been implemented;

- Any dialogue between the interim Government and political parties has to take place within the framework of the NCBBF and the work on the People's Charter.

It cannot take place separately at another level. Qarase and his colleagues must listen to the voices and learn from the people of Fiji, change their ways and follow "the New Way" of the People's Charter by listening to the people. Qarase's underlying message is that he really regrets that during his leadership, he had not thought about tackling the range of our deep seated national problems that are now being addressed by the NCBBF. Even though the NCBBF was initiated by the interim Government, it is being run as an autonomous process and we once again urge Qarase to be part of it.

The invitation of his Excellency the President to Qarase and the SDL Party to join the NCBBF remains open.

Together we can draw up a better national development plan based on real national consensus and serious commitment. We hope Qarase will reconsider and not be left behind as we move steadfastly towards the General Election.

- The writers are members of the NCBBF.

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Beta Democracy 2.0 -A Discussion On Fiji.

The opinion piece in the Fiji Times, written by Swani Maharaj was thought provoking and outstanding.

The excerpt:

"Thus the mindset of generations became based on kai Idia, kai Viti, kai Valagi, instead of as fellow citizens above and beyond race. When we think of any national issue we think from a racial perspective and not from a nationalistic one, or from the point of view of the good of the community in Fiji"

Only we can make it happen

SWANI MAHARAJMonday, March 24, 2008


Image (L):The various races that make up Fiji mingle in central Suva as they go about their business


The National Council for Building a Better Fiji is a dream. It is the dream of the interim Government to build a true democracy regardless of race, to unite the people of Fiji through equal value for vote, and to remove the inherent injustices imposed on many of the people of Fiji.

Whether it stays a dream or is translated into reality for the benefit of every citizen in Fiji is entirely up to us. The NCBBF hopes to produce a charter expressing the collective expectations of the people of Fiji from future governments.

This is not a unique phenomena the 1997 Constitution was itself the dream of people who genuinely wanted to build a better, more just, and truly multi-racial Fiji.

This is evident from Dr Brij Lal's comment (FT 3/3/08) that the letter as well as the spirit of the Constitution must be followed.

But neither was that dream was shattered by racial polarisation or perhaps by petty self interest which surpassed the interest of the nation either the leaders were so oriented or the people of Fiji were unable to consider themselves as people of Fiji rather than 'Indians", 'Kai Viti', etc.

So will the NCBBF succeed when the 1997 Constitution failed? Yes, it will if we do our bit.

This is the first time that the largest number of people from all walks of life, and not only political leaders can have their say. It will and it can because two coups later, and with demographical changes much has changed.

One important difference is that the 1997 Constitution was a result of the 1987 coup which propagated indigenous supremacy.

The NCBBF comes two coups later. Of these, the Speight coup was unable to effectively demonstrate that it did the ordinary Taukei any good.

And the 2006 'takeover' aimed to rescue a nation where racial discrimination masqueraded as 'affirmative action', where corruption was more pervasive than AIDS in Africa, and where the government was too arrogant to consider itself answerable to anyone be it the Opposition or the taxpayer.

This is an opportunity to rise to the occasion and speak up. To make a difference to the nation, to our future generations. It is a sacred responsibility.

A history of the politics of race

Our colonial masters laid strong foundations of institutionalised racial barriers in order to divide and govern Fiji. This racism permeated the deepest recesses of our psyche from our tender years we imbibed it in schools in which even the curriculum perpetuated racial compartmentalisation rather than integration and interaction.

Thus the mindset of generations became based on kai Idia, kai Viti, kai Valagi, instead of as fellow citizens above and beyond race. When we think of any national issue we think from a racial perspective and not from a nationalistic one, or from the point of view of the good of the community in Fiji.

The 1970 Constitution came with independence; its inherent racial compartmentalisation and the 1987 coup further entrenched the politics of race.

However, in 1996 there was a welcome and progressive change in the form of the Reeves Commission Report. This report was envisaged to become the basis of a united and consolidated nation as it laid the foundation for non-racial elections.

For the first time, it gave all the people of Fiji a say in the election of the President and Vice-President of Fiji.

Being based on true democratic principles, it reshaped the role of the GCC in the interest of uniting all the people of Fiji. Unfortunately, the leaders of the major political parties NFP, SVT and GVP changed the recommendations of the Reeves Report.

Sadly, for Fiji its recommendations were not incorporated in the 1997 Constitution. The members of the NCBBF could find valuable avenues and options in the Reeves Report to formulate the basis of uniting the people of Fiji.

Blair, Rudd and the NCBBF

In 2003 Tony Blair launched 'the Big Conversation' a kind of roadshow through which he endeavoured to talk to people from all walks of life by visiting churches, community halls, schools, and towns etc.

He appeared on TV-radio and was available on websites to listen to and address question by the average John Citizen. He shared his vision for the United Kingdom with his people and got their views as well. He won the election because it was a bottom up exercise that was all about listening and sharing his vision.

The NCBBF seeks to do the same. And Fiji must avail itself of this opportunity in order to work out its own destiny.

Two very important reactions to his summit are worth noting while the Opposition leader, Brendon Nelson, welcomed the summit, Alexander Downer, the former Foreign Affairs Minister, ridiculed the process saying "He is the PM, he should know what to do next, not consult a thousand people" (Courier Mail 4.02.08).

The NCBBF provides both an avenue and a challenge for the people of Fiji we can look at contributing positively through this avenue initiated by the interim Government. Or we can reject it out of sheer peevishness, small-minded self-interest or simply because we really don't want to make the effort to think beyond our noses.

It is a question of seeing the glass half full as Nelson sees it, or half empty as Downer sees it. We can be either optimistic or pessimistic the choice is ours. We can have our say and be heard it might make a difference. Or we can be quiet and deny ourselves the chance of being heard, let alone making any difference to our state of existence.

Under the 1997 Constitution, such a national consultation process is impossible. It would be superfluous a government voted in on the communal voting system, elected by one ethnic group, would work to sustain that vote bank and would thus have no reason to seek broad-based consultation or to formulate a national charter.

We, the people of Fiji, and our friends and well wishers in the international community, must appreciate that any so-called 'democratically elected' government in Fiji will never wish to engage in such an exercise.

Tradition and change

This is the reality of Fiji: One ethnic group is subject to 'traditional' controls clearly this does not constitute a democratic setup. And the other group exists in a partial and flawed democracy in which they do not have political democratic rights at all levels of government.

It is important for us to decide whether we want a modern day democracy and its benefits or we want to continue with this 'mutant' version of democracy. If we want a 'true' democracy, traditional institutions should be democratic in nature so that the population can benefit from their protection and guidance in which there is no opportunity for manipulation, or denial of democratic freedoms.

The voice of the commoner is equally important in a democracy by its very nature a democracy has no place for social hierarchies. Numerous advocates of 'democracy' and 'elected governments' fail to see this glaring anomaly, this flaw in the system.

Decisions in this regard must carefully consider the needs and values of future generations of indigenous people who will be living in a more materialistic world, in the digital age, competing on a level playing field.

The latest census figures show the rapidly increasing urbanisation of indigenous people tradition and modernisation can be conflicting realities for them, or they can be complementary realities. Perhaps the NCBBF is an appropriate forum to deliberate upon and arrive at decisions in this regard and embody these in the Charter.


A peep into the future

This brings us to the question of acquisition of land for the public interest in Fiji.

For example let us look at FEA. FEA has to pay over $ 50m in lease money in compensation to landowners every 50 years, that is $ 1m per year. Where does FEA earn this kind of money from? Obviously from its users. Before 1987, because of the larger population and urbanisation of Fiji-Indians, we may safely say that they may have been the group that primarily contributed to the FEA.

Twenty years from now, the Fiji-Indian population will be down to 20 per cent and the indigenous population will be the majority of electricity users and taxpayers they will then pay exorbitant rates in order to enable FEA to pay lease money. The recent payment by the Government for community-government school lands is a deterrent to public benefit and a huge burden on the taxpayers who will, in the near future, be ethnic Fijians.

Today, it is important to evaluate such payment arrangements from a non-racial perspective. The NCBBF may be the right forum to generate optional systems in the interest of public services such as hospitals/nursing stations, government offices, schools, airports, roads and wharfs.

This will avoid closures and demands which are detrimental to the economy and will also relieve the taxpayers' burden.

The views expressed are the writer's own and not those of the Fiji Chamber of Commerce of which he is president.

Interim Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama points out the resistance against the charter in a Radio Fiji article. The excerpt:

PM: Some resisting Fiji regimes effort
Thursday, March 27, 2008

NCBBF co-chair Commodore Voreqe Banimarama and John Samy (L)

Taken from / By: Fiji Broadcasting Corporation

Interim Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama says there are some within Fiji and outside who have turned a deaf year and resisted change in the country.

Speaking at the second meeting of the National Council for Building a Better Fiji in Suva, Commodore Bainimarama says these very people have taken every opportunity to fault Fiji, stir up controversy and disrupt the Interim Government’s efforts to take the country to elections.

He’s told delegates at the meeting that what is more important is the fact that the Interim Government has not deviated from its fundamental purpose.

These are, he says moving Fiji forward, putting new policies for growth and development in place and putting Fiji on a path of sustainable democratic governance.

The meeting ends this afternoon.

Perhaps the individuals who stir up controversy, may also include Fiji Sun's acting Publisher, who wrote an opinion article published in Tuesday March 26th 2008 issue.

The excerpt of FS article:

Fijian protocol must be respected in the promotion of the People’s Charter. The interim government must tread cautiously when trying to convince the Fijian people to support the charter.

Already, the Fijian people are divided and the charter cannot be forced on them.
On the record paramount chiefs of Rewa (Marama Bale na Roko Tui Dreketi Ro Teimumu Kepa), Naitasiri (Turaga na Qaranivalu Ratu Inoke Takiveikata), Cakaudrove (Turaga Bale na Tui Cakau Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu), Nadroga (Turaga Na Kalevu Ratu Sakiusa Makutu), Tavua (Turaga na Tui Tavua Ratu Ovini Bokini) and Namosi (Turaga na Tui Namosi Ratu Suliano Matanitobua) are against the charter.

Usually, Fijians follow their chiefs although to some extent this has changed.
Religious groups including the Methodist Church, the Then India Sanmarga Ikya (TISI) Sangam, Shree Sanatan Dharam Pratinidhi Sabha have decided not to be part of the charter.

We must be mindful of the rights in the 1997 Constitution. People have the right to decide for themselves and in the current case must decide on whether to accept the charter or not. We must be mindful of the fact that the charter is a new political vehicle initiated by Interim Prime Minister Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama.

The format, content and authority of this charter are not yet clear.
President Ratu Josefa Iloilo addressing the first meeting of the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF) said the council would chart out a course for peace, political stability, good governance, harmonious co-existence and prosperity for all, the people of Fiji. In fact this is a way forward for a new Fiji.

The charter must be supported by the indigenous Fijians to make it effective. The religious body which represents the majority of the Fijian people, the Methodist Church of Fiji and the political party that represents majority of the Fijian people (Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua - SDL) is against the charter.

SDL leader Laisenia Qarase said Fiji does not need a People’s Charter to achieve true democracy. He said the charter should not be forced on the people of the country and the interim government should take steps to start dialogue on the People’s Charter before formulating the document.

Already I must admit the Fijian people are suspicious about the charter. They are not happy with the reforms made in Fijian institutions. They are not happy with the new Fijian Affairs (Great Council of Chiefs) Act. They are not happy that the new Act that has ruled out chiefs who are SDL members or public office bearers in 2006 to be members of the Great Council of Chiefs. They are not happy that the charter will not allow communal voting. They are not happy that election will only be carried out if they accept the charter.

They are not happy because they now realise that the way forward for PM Bainimarama and backed by the Interim Finance Minister and Fiji Labour Party leader Mahendra Chaudhry involves cutting long-established government programmes for Fijians that the new government’s leaders label racist and divisive. They are not happy with the militarization of the civil service.

It is a fact that the government of the day must try to unite the Fijian people and get their support before preparing the charter. Because of the lack of support from the Fijian people, all efforts to put in place the for the charter will be meaningless.

They have given their total support to the 1997 Constitution. They know that there is no provision in the constitution for a referendum to be carried out in the absence of parliament.

Ousted Opposition Leader Mick Beddoes when asked about the referendum to get the people’s approval said - “In so far as the suggestion of a referendum to adopt this charter, I am aware that there is currently no provision in our constitution for such an undertaking so some type of promulgation will obviously be required to create a law to deal with this, so as to regulate how the various questions are to be framed.
In this regard, I would like to think that some ‘external international assistance’ is sought to ensure ‘impartiality’ on the part of the Interim government.”

"
Mr Beddoes said although the referendum would probably be extra constitutional, the result could possibly be acceptable as it will ‘from the people’ who are after all the real source of power and sovereignty."

Majority of the legal birds contacted said the charter has to be put in place by a democratically elected government. It will be interesting to see how the charter will be put in place. If it is through a referendum so that the voice of the people is heard, it will be unconstitutional because the Constitution is silent on referendum.


Outside observers have speculated that the PM might argue for the postponement of the election until a charter is put in place. Some critics have gone further, wondering if the People’s Charter might become a populist vehicle to legitimising the military regime, perhaps displacing the 1997 Constitution itself.

Well, with the division in the Fijian society, government must use the Fijian protocol to get the support. It must first of all seek the forgiveness of the chiefs and ask for their support to the charter.

Government must concentrate on its clean up campaign and bring people implicated to justice. The Fijian people want a democratically elected government to decide on the political future and changes for the nation.

With the current progress I must admit that the Fijian people feel they have been discriminated. According to Fijian academic and Rewa young chief Ro Filipe Tuiswau it is becoming more and more apparent that the Interim Government is fulfilling a pre-conceived agenda to weaken the core strength of the Fijian people.

When one looks at the events of Dec 2006 and the overthrow, he says, it is basically aimed at the Fijian people. “To date, no SDL MP has been arrested for corruption so the coup was really just a pretext to launch certain individuals to power, apart from hiding their own corruption and illegal acts such as tax evasion, as the sun was about to set for them. Not only that, it propelled into powers the Labour Leader, his cronies and failed New Alliance politicians. All of them were going out and this was their last chance of glory.

However, when you look at the suspension of GCC, targeting of Fijian executives and Fijian institutions and businesses, there is a clear agenda in place. This agenda can easily be linked to the recommendations in Saiyed Khaiyums thesis publicised in the May 2007 Islands Business magazine.

It recommended the restructuring and weakening of Fijian institutions so that their loyalty is redirected to the state rather than to their provinces and chiefs,” Ro Filipe said. He said the Peoples Charter aim to create a non racial Fiji is all part of the anti Fijian conspiracy.

It is time for the government to rally for the support of the Fijian people.
Fijians are divided between allegiance and support for the military-led government and the GCC. Because there is a definite split it is time that Fijian leaders sit down and talk with our current leaders..

It is also time that the relationship between the interim administration and the GCC also needs to be rectified. According to Dr Steven Ratuva it is time for a bridge to be built across it and talks to begin for the future of this country.
The way forward is not the Charter but the support of the Fijian community.

Accordingly, SiFm offers a rebuttal for the opinion piece. The excerpt of the rebuttal:

The opinion article that appeared in Fiji Sun, Tues March 25th, 2008 regarding the Charter compiled by the National Council To Build a Better Fiji (NCBFF) is disingenuous, divisive and deceptive.

The article opens with an obtuse generalization stating that: “Fijian protocol must be respected in the promotion of the People’s Charter”. It is no doubt that the article has the finger prints of Fiji Sun's acting publisher, Samisoni Kakaivalu all over it, based on his previous writings that carry the same DNA: oversimplification, overwhelmingly ethno-nationalistic and devoid of facts.

Clearly the Fijian protocol is not in contention and for the article to even suggest that is reprehensible. The opening statement, is merely the opening moves of an article, riddled with condescending logical flaws.

Kakaivalu drops the names of six chiefs who have not acceded their support to their charter, after stating that “the Fijian people are divided and the charter cannot be forced upon them”.

The article contradicts its opening premise on the chiefs decision by correctly alluding that: “Usually, Fijians follow their chiefs although to some extent this has changed”.

The article list the religious organizations which also do not support the charter and then follows up with the suggestion that under the 1997 Constitution, people have a right to choose on their own accord. That also means that, regardless of what the chiefs or religious organization have declared, the people will determine their own destiny.

Kakaivalu continues his ethno-nationalistic generalization of how the Methodist Church is made of majority Fijians, as with the SDL party and with a “Non Sequitur” inference, concludes that the decisions made by the Methodist church and SDL are best for the Fijian people.

The article quotes from deposed Prime Minister and SDL party leader Laisenia Qarase: “Fiji does not need a People’s Charter to achieve true democracy”.

According to Qarase's model of true democracy, raced based voting system is prevalent, where chiefs use their traditional authority to force their people to vote a certain way, where culture, religion and politics are so intertwined and blurred that people are not sure if they are voting for a lay minister or a chief.

"The ripples of fears emanating from the detractors of charter to take Fiji forward, are perhaps self induced doubts by those living in the past and like crabs in a basket, continue to drag back in, those trying to escape".

Under Qarase's 6 years of true democracy, the resources of the state where squandered in vote buying schemes known as the Agricultural scam and where $F20 million loan to construct the Great Council of Chiefs(GCC) complex was mysteriously converted to a grant. The legacy of Qarase's true democracy leaves a wake of poor and rural dwelling Fijians, clutching at unfulfilled promises.


Kakaivalu further outlines how the Fijian people are unhappy for litany of reasons, without providing evidence of his source. For all we know, the article's author could have plucked those supposed facts, out of thin air. The article quotes from people who undoubtedly have their own axes to grind and then continues with ethno-nationalistic fear mongering, a well used approach by Kakaivalu during his tenure at the Fiji Times.

The article further falls victim to “Post hoc, ergo propter hoc”, a classic logical fallacy when quoting from Filipe Tuisawau who was commenting on the charter:

“It recommended the restructuring and weakening of Fijian institutions so that their loyalty is redirected to the state rather than to their provinces and chiefs [...]the Peoples Charter aim to create a non racial Fiji is all part of the anti Fijian conspiracy”.

It is circular reasoning to conclude that that all Fijian people are first citizens of the provinces, subjects of their chiefs and not the state. The Fijian people use the currency of the state to purchase goods, not on monetary notes issued by the province. The Fijian people who travel, have passports issued by the Fiji Government, not by the provincial chiefs. Fiji is a member of the United Nations, not Rewa, Naitasiri, Cakaudrove, Nadroga, Tavua, Namosi or any loose alliances in between.

The Fijian people had watched the Fiji team play well during the last world cup and with the upcoming 2008 IRB Hong Kong Sevens tournament, the rugby team will be wearing Fiji jerseys, not provincial ones. Nor will the question of provinces or loyalties to a chief will be raised, because even the chiefs themselves will be watching the game in anticipation, as well as cheering when the Fiji team excels.

Being a chief is not the criteria for choosing the rugby team representing Fiji and if it would, the team would succumb to traditional protocol, just to figure out who runs on to the field first and who should be the Captain. Even the choice of passing, tackling and kicking the ball would have to be first determined under consensus using traditional protocol.

It would not take a rocket scientist to figure out the track record of such a hypothetical team and its ultimate fate; for certain it will be become the greatest laughing stock of the entire sporting world. We dare not think about the future of a state, under the same conditions of provincial bickering, handicapped by traditional protocol and governed by chiefly duplicity.

Fijian culture is not being threatened; for the arts and crafts, mannerisms, respect for the elderly are inherently safe and that knowledge is passed on from generation to generation.

The fear of divided loyalties, unfortunately lies solely with those disgruntled detractors who are aligned with the chiefly system. The detractors worry that, no longer will they have any subjects to rule and no longer can they influence people and arrest their god given right to choose, live and think for themselves.
Although, there is some legitimacy to the fear of change; people cannot be permanently paralyzed by all things new, as that will reduce the populace to the wasteland of a fortress mentality.

As the article pleads for the Interim Government to unite the Fijian people, it is rather ironic that the main thrust of Kakaivalu's article, magnified the matters the divide the nation and dismissing the ties that bind the nation together.

According to renown African American scholar, W.E.B Du Bois' 1944 essay: "My Evolving Program For Negro Freedom" :

“The hope of civilization lies not in exclusion, but in inclusion of all human elements; we find the richness of humanity[...]not in great aristocracies, chosen people and superior races, but in throngs of disinherited and underfed [people]. Not the lifting of the lowly, but the unchaining of the unawakened mighty, will reveal the possibilities of genius, gift and miracle, in mountainous treasure trove, which hitherto civilization has scarcely touched”.

As the charter proposes to steer the nation of Fiji on a new course for the future and inspires the building of bridges, as opposed to burning them; perhaps those who oppose that, are merely obstructionists for their own reasons, reasons far divorced from those of the nation.

The ripples of fears emanating from the detractors of charter to take Fiji forward, are perhaps self induced doubts by those living in the past and like crabs in a basket, continue to drag back in, those trying to escape. Undoubtedly people must be inspired to lift themselves out of the basket of hopelessness and misery, to a forge a new paradigm which the charter encapsulates. In order to ignore those fears of change, the slogan of the Barack Obama's US Presidential campaign is invaluable- “Yes we can!”.

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