Source:
Dominion Post
There has been a significant change of attitude in Australia to Fiji. Last Tuesday Julie Bishop, deputy leader of the Opposition and shadow minister of foreign affairs and trade, recommended re-engagement
with Fiji and the restoration of diplomatic ties with the Bainimarama
Government.
In a comment that would have done justice to New Zealand's seemingly
forgotten traditional relationship with the Pacific, Ms Bishop said:
"We will be guided by the Fijian Government on what they seek from
Australia".
She pledged Coalition support "in whatever form Fiji requires" to
assist them to get to grips with the challenges involved in establishing
a workable parliamentary democracy.
Ms Bishop is, of course, the Opposition representative - though that
may change after Australia's election in September. The Australian
Labor Government is another matter. Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has been the poster boy for a hardline
approach to Fiji since the coup in 2006. He and predecessor Julia
Gillard have focused simplistically on the need for elections. But there is more to it than that.
Since coming to power, Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama has cracked down on the hitherto strong Fiji trade union movement. Inevitably Australian trade unions reacted strongly to the
difficulties of their Fijian colleagues, and their position has had a
powerful influence on Labor Party policy. The opposition parties in
Australia recognise no such trade union influence. Ms Bishop's remarks, though sensitive and well-focused, are off the
official agenda. But they must be seen as a signal and an important one.
Since the coup in 2006, New Zealand and Australia have offered
little to Fiji in what could be seen as the collegiality expected as
characterising relationships within the Pacific community. Both governments have continued to provide some aid but Fiji needed
more than that. Post coup, it wanted the sort of support and
relationship now outlined by Ms Bishop, especially when she says "there
are very valuable lessons to be learned if we stand in each other's
shoes and we try to see issues from each other's perspective".
As I noted in a comment piece three years ago, Fiji's internal
tensions since before independence have to be dealt with by Fijians and
the decisions reached have to be accepted by the Pacific and wider
community.
Now there are further developments. Since 2006, Fiji has not stood still.
Gerald McGhie
"
I am advocating is that New Zealand take a more balanced approach to Fiji. The Australian Opposition has taken an early lead. The key for New Zealand is to again speak in the Pacific with a New Zealand voice, re-establish positive contact with Fiji
"
A range of countries have been welcomed in Suva and Fiji has become
an active member of the Melanesian spearhead group - which contains the
potentially rich Pacific island states. Fiji has also gained the prestigious position of chair of the
non-aligned meeting where it has established a high- profile among
delegates.
China-Fiji relations have developed strongly, and Fiji's
much-sought-after soldiers are well represented in British and United
Nations operations in many of the world's hot spots.
The Australian comments are in marked contrast to those coming from New Zealand. In a speech on New Zealand's place in the world late last year,
Opposition foreign affairs spokesman Phil Goff made little reference to
the Pacific and in later discussion emphasised his continuing view that
human rights were the key to progress in Fiji.
Of course, human rights are important and coups cannot be condoned
but, given Mr Goff's persistent concerns about human rights and illegal
seizures of power, I might have expected a stiff comment on recent
developments in Egypt where what looks very like a military coup has
taken place. The New Zealand Government also appears to be remarkably quiet on Egypt.
What I am advocating is that New Zealand take a more balanced approach to Fiji. The Australian Opposition has taken an early lead. The key for New
Zealand is to again speak in the Pacific with a New Zealand voice,
re-establish positive contact with Fiji and, while not accepting the
coup, come up with alternative policies in a context of co- operation.
Negotiations will not be easy. But if understandings can be agreed and adhered to, at least there
will be some structure on which to build a better relationship.There may be a sense within the Wellington policy establishment that
Suva is simply waiting for New Zealand to welcome them back to the
Commonwealth, Pacific Forum and PACER trade negotiations. In fact it may
not be quite that clear-cut.
Fiji now has a substantial - but not dominant - grouping that asks
why they should bow to New Zealand. They point to Fiji's substantial
gains since the coup in spite of Australia and New Zealand sponsored
opposition and at times hostility. They consider that they should build
on their new structures.
The reality is that New Zealand must undertake a similar repositioning to that of the Australian Opposition.
This means a rethink in terms of policy and, even more important, of
attitude - leading to less exhortation and more patient discussion. It
is now probably too late but if sufficient goodwill is generated, New
Zealand might get Fiji's support in its bid for the 2014 Security
Council seat. It depends on the quality of diplomacy.
Gerald McGhie is a former diplomat with many years of
experience in the Pacific. He is a former director of the New Zealand
Institute of International Affairs.
Club Em Designs
The president of the International Marine Minerals Society, Dr. Georgy Cherkashov, was quoted last year linking the rush for licenses to the reality of “first come, first get,” saying the shuffle to secure the most promising sites represents “the last redivision of the world.”
Jemma
Williams has an honours degree in international studies specialising
in international development. She currently works for the Australian
Fair Trade and Investment Network.
