Back in Black.

Fiji Army Commander ratchets up the passive resistance to the current Fiji Government. It is clear that the S.D.L party will even resort to money traps to attract voters. Some political commentators have equated Fiji's situation with Zimababwe's.
Economist unravels the decline in infrastructure in Fiji and highlights the lack of planning and funding that, in-directly wards off potential investors.

Here's an interesting Letter to the Fiji Times Editor.

Fijian unity

WE have heard calls for Fijian political parties to unite.

The SDL and CAMV have united and a grand coalition of Fijian parties has been formed.

There was criticism that calls for Fijian unity are encouraging and promoting political division.

It was refreshing to hear Maika Tabukovu (FT 24/2) say that "Fijians do not need unity and that we have been fooled for too long by people calling for unity".

To think that Fijians need to unite on the basis of ethnicity is shortsighted. Fijian unity presumes that Fijians have a common cause to fight for against others but what is it?

Do Fijians have to fight for anything they do not already have under the Constitution?

There are many other bases on which Fijians can unite apart from race.

One of them is class.

Fijian workers can unite with other workers to fight for their rights, better wages and conditions and a better distribution of the national wealth.

The struggle will be against the elite and business interests which are not listening to the needs of ordinary people.

But many among the elite and businesses are Fijians.

So it will be a matter of Fijians and other workers struggling against the elite and wealthy many of whom are Fijians.

In 1986, the late Simione Durutalo, predicted that the 1987 coup would happen and Fijians would be called into ethnic solidarity.

He noted that the slogan "the cause of indigenous Fijian rights'' was a carefully and deliberately calculated strategy to call Fijians away from growing class consciousness and solidarity (represented by the rapid growth of the Labour Party at that time) and back into ethnic consciousness and ethnic solidarity (or narrow Fijian nationalism).

He noted that by the 1980s, people had started to see their problems in class terms rather than ethnic terms.

They were struggling, poor and getting low wages, not because they were Fijians, but because they belonged to the working class.

The strategy of calling Fijians into ethnic unity meant frustrating the growing class consciousness and, through misinformation and misinterpretation of fact, blame Indians for the problems facing Fijians.

Yet, many of the problems were caused by Fijian political and traditional elite, not Indians.

The elite realised that if ordinary people became united on a class basis which cut across ethnic boundaries, their wealth and privilege would be seriously called into question.

By calling for Fijian unity, they wanted an ethnic consciousness to replace a dangerous growing class consciousness.

It was they who stood to benefit from Fijian unity.

Is Durutalo's thesis still true today?

Are ordinary Fijians being fooled by calls for unity?

After all, Fijians have been in control in government for most of the years since Independence yet, what have they achieved?

The growing wealth and influence of a few privileged Fijian is in stark contrast with the deteriorating quality of life for many.

By and large, the so-called affirmative action plans do not benefit ordinary Fijians but increases inequality.

We do not need Fijian unity but Fijian parties which will fight for a better distribution of wealth and a better quality of life for all people of Fiji Fijians, Indians and Melanesians.

The collusion between some Fijian political parties and church groups to foster Fijian unity is highly suspect.

Christianity should not be used to support racial politics and narrow nationalist interests.

Semiti Qalowasa
Suva

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